Editorials

It was as inspirational as a scene from "Rocky" when rural New Mexico counties garnered the support of the National Association of Counties, in Philadelphia, to oppose the National Interest Electric Transmission Corridors, during their annual meeting. Representatives from eight New Mexico Counties, directly affected by the planned 5-to-15-mile-wide corridor through their counties, teamed up, planned, presented, and fought to assure that 1,841,000 acres will not be taken by the federal government.

The plan for 10 National Interest Electric Transmission Corridors was announced on May 8, 2024, with a high-level explanation of the basis for those "corridors." Describing a "must have" scenario for all of these 10 corridors to assure electrical distribution across the entire nation and into areas that did not have adequate power available. Immediately, counties in the affected areas began to question the plans and the vast quantities of land that could be lost to agriculture and other uses.

By Paul Gessing

Since the days of Bill Richardson’s Administration, the Rio Grande Foundation has opposed New Mexico’s generous film subsidies. Back in Richardson’s day the primary subsidy was a 25% “refundable” tax credit meaning that anyone filming in New Mexico received up to 25% of what they spent to film in the Land of Enchantment (courtesy of New Mexico’s taxpayers).

Gov. Susana Martinez attempted to rein in the subsidy program. Along with the Legislature she placed a $50 million annual spending cap on film subsidies. When Lujan Grisham took office, she paid out any accumulated debts incurred by the State, an estimated $300 million, and convinced the Legislature to expand the State’s subsidies to cover as much as 40 percent of filming.

By Ruben Leyva

This story continues where Part I left off — with the descendants of Norberta Ishnoh'n Leyva (pronounced Lay-vuh), the Warm Springs-Chihene matriarch whose steps spanned the Ojo Caliente (Cañada Alamosa), San Carlos, the Gallo Mountains, and beyond. Her grandson Procopio "Pomposo" Leyva, son of José Albino, known in local memory as El Indio del Gallo, was not alone in carrying her legacy. His uncles Frank and Jim, too, had names, songs, and ceremonies that defied erasure. This second part unravels the tangled identities assigned to them — Warm Springs Apache, Navajo, Mojave, Apache Frank, Lava — and traces how language, federal policy, and kinship all converged at places like Zuni Salt Lake and Carlisle. These are the names they were given, and the ones they reclaimed.

Jim Miller, known as Ishkayznn or "Chiricahua Jim," was not merely a U.S. Army scout in the twilight years of the Apache Wars—he was a ceremonial anchor among the Warm Springs-Chihene, a counter-voice to Geronimo's medicine songs, and a living memory of kinship that defied the rigid categories imposed by government rolls and policies. His sobriquet, "Jim," was possibly inherited from the well-known Navajo Indian Agent Jim H. Miller, a man whose presence loomed over the Southwest until he died in 1872. This legacy—and its layered echo—shaped how Jim Miller was perceived and remembered.

By Ruben Leyva

Some stories are whispered through ritual, while others are remembered in the soil. For the Apache, both forms of memory endure.

This is not a new story. It is the continuation of one that has been waiting to be fully remembered. In "A Chiricahua Band Hidden in the Clans," I described the Tsiltaden (pronounced roughly: SEEL-tah-den)—a Chiricahua band whose memory endured through ceremonial and kinship systems. In this second part, we return to them again, but not by name alone. At Ash Flat, an elder described the arrival of the Iya-áye (pronounced: ee-YAH-ah-yeh), those whose presence was necessary before a burial could proceed. He did not name them as a distinct people, but he did say, "most of them were Tsiltaden...." It is possible, then, that the Iya-áye was a similar group that played a ceremonial role, remembered within or aligned with the Tsiltaden group—those whose presence was as vital as the grayish-green, leafy sand sagebrush plant used as medicine or in ceremony.

Hidalgo Medical Services reaffirms commitment to Quality Care and Community Service

Dear Editor,

Hidalgo Medical Services (HMS) stands firmly behind the high-quality services it provides, the dedicated professionals it employs, and its unwavering mission to serve the communities of southwest New Mexico.

HMS operates with full adherence to all local, state, and federal laws and regulations and remains committed to integrity, transparency, and excellence in healthcare delivery. Our team continues to focus on what matters most—ensuring accessible, compassionate, and comprehensive care for the individuals and families we are privileged to serve.

By Ruben Leyva

The story of the Apache is not always told in straight lines. Some bands went east. Others went underground. And a few, like the Tsiltaden (pronounced roughly: SEEL-tah-den), disappeared into the folds of other names, only to reappear generations later, not as relics, but as remembered kin.

The Tsiltaden were not forgotten because they were never entirely lost. They were a Chiricahua band known as the "mountain side people" who survived by adapting to shifting political landscapes. Federal authorities once listed them as a Chiricahua group—"Chillon or Chilion, Tsiltaden (a band of Chiricahua)"—but over time, they were absorbed into the administrative categories of the Western Apache. Today, their name lives on in the clan rolls of the San Carlos Apache, cross-listed with the Pinaleño and even the White Mountain Coyotero. This is not a story of assimilation, but of strategic endurance.

By Fred Nathan Jr., Executive Director, Think New Mexico

Recently the New Mexico Ethics Commission sued a secretive, dark money group calling itself New Mexico Safety Over Profits (NMSOP) for violating state laws that require the disclosure of the source of funds used to influence legislation.

The lawsuit alleges that NMSOP spent tens of thousands of dollars on advertisements opposing medical malpractice reforms designed to center the needs of patients and bring down malpractice premiums for doctors, which are about twice as high in New Mexico as in our surrounding states.

Earlier this year, an investigative journalist at Searchlight New Mexico unearthed unethical and misleading behavior by NMSOP and revealed deep ties between NMSOP and the New Mexico Trial Lawyers Association, whose members feel threatened by the proposed reforms.

By Paul J. Gessing

If you haven't heard already, over the 4th of July weekend President Trump signed the so-called "Big Beautiful Bill" (BBB) into law. Setting aside the merits and demerits of the legislation you have to hand it to President Trump and Speaker Mike Johnson for achieving the President's goal of signing the bill by July 4.

Considering the complexity of the bill and the narrow majorities held by Republicans (with implacable opposition from Democrats), there was not much wiggle room for compromise or lost Republican votes. Needless to say, New Mexico's hyper-"progressive" delegation universally opposed the bill, but so did Trump's erstwhile ally Elon Musk and libertarian leading Kentuckians Senator Rand Paul and Rep. Thomas Massie (both Republicans).